Populism Is a Rebellion Against  Corporate Power -- It's Not Just Stupid, Raw Anger
 and guess what, TEXAS POLITICIANS WITH A GOOD OLE BOY DRAWL
 CANNOT BECOME FAKE POPULISTS!

  By Jim Hightower, Hightower Lowdown
  Posted on May 8, 2009, Printed on May 9, 2009
  http://www.alternet.org/story/139893/

  When I lived in Washington, DC, in the 1970s, I got a call from a friend of mine who
  worked for the Congressional Research Service--a legislative agency that digs up facts,
  prepares briefing papers, and otherwise does research on any topic requested by
  members of Congress.

  My friend could barely speak, because he was hooting, howling, and guffawing over a
  research question he'd just received. It was from the office of Sen. Lloyd Bentsen, the
  aloof and patrician Texas Democrat who was known on Capitol Hill primarily as a faithful
  emissary for Wall Street interests. At the time, Bentsen was contemplating a run for the
  presidency, and apparently he was searching for a suitable political identity. "What is a
  populist?" read the research query. "The senator thinks he might be one."

  Uh...no sir, you are not.

  Bentsen was closer to being "The Man in the Moon" than he was to being a populist. Yet,
  he was hardly alone in trying to cloak himself as "The People's Champion" while remaining
  faithful to the plutocratic powers. These days, there's a whole flock of politicos and pundits
  doing this--from Sarah Palin to Rush Limbaugh, Newt Gingrich to Glenn Beck.

  They are abetted by a media establishment that carelessly (and lazily) misapplies the
  populist label to anyone who claims to be a maverick and tends to bark a lot. Although the
  targets they're usually barking at are poor people, teachers, minorities, unions, liberals,
  protestors, environmentalists, gays, immigrants, or other demonized groups that generally
  reside far outside the center of the power structure--the barkers are indiscriminately
  tagged as populist voices.

  First of all, populism is not a style, nor is it a synonym for "popular outrage." It is a
  historically grounded political doctrine (and movement) that supports ordinary folks in their
  ongoing democratic fight against the moneyed elites.

  The very essence of populism is its unrelenting focus on breaking the iron grip that big
  corporations have on our country--including on our economy, government, media, and
  environment. It is unabashedly a class movement. Try to squeeze Lord Limbaugh into that
  philosophical suit of clothes! He's just another right-wing, corporate-hugging, silk-tie
  elitist--an apologist for plutocracy, not a populist.

  Fully embracing the egalitarian ideals and rebellious spirit of the American Revolution,
  populists have always been out to challenge the orthodoxy of the corporate order and to
  empower workaday Americans so they can control their own economic and political
  destinies. This approach distinguishes the movement from classic liberalism, which seeks to
  live in harmony with concentrated corporate power by trying to regulate its excesses.

  We're seeing liberalism at work today in Washington's Wall Street bailout. Both parties tell
  us that AIG, Citigroup, Bank of America, and the rest are "too big to fail," so taxpayers
  simply "must" rescue the management, stockholders, and bondholders of the financial
  giants in order to save the system. Populists, on the other hand, note that it is this very
  system that has caused the failure-so structural reform is required. Let's reorganize the
  clumsy, inept, ungovernable, and corrupt financial system by ousting those who wrecked it,
  splitting up its component parts (banking, investment, and insurance), and establishing
  decentralized, manageable-sized financial institutions operating on the locallycontrolled
  models of credit unions, co-ops, and community banks.

  A movement

  Not only is American populism a powerful and vibrant idea, but it also has a phenomenal
  history that has largely been hidden from our people. The Powers That Be are not keen to
  promote the story of a mass movement that did--and still could--challenge the corporate
  structure. Thus, the rich history of this grassroots force, which first arose in the late 1870s,
  tends to be ignored entirely or trivialized as a quirky pitchfork rebellion by rubes and
  racists who had some arcane quibble involving the free coinage of silver.

  The true portrait of populism is rarely on public display. History teachers usually hustle
  students right past this unique moment in the evolution of our democracy. You never see a
  movie or a television presentation about the movement's innovative thinkers, powerful
  orators, and dramatic events. National museums offer no exhibits of its stunning inventions
  and accomplishments. And there is no "populist trail of history" winding through the various
  states in which farmers and workers created the People's Party (also known as the
  Populist Party), reshaped the national political debate, forced progressive reforms,
  delivered a million votes (and four states) to the party's 1892 presidential candidate, and
  elected 10 populist governors, six U.S. senators, and three dozen House members.

  This was a serious, thoughtful, determined effort by hundreds of thousands of common
  folks to do something uncommon: organize themselves so--collectively and
  cooperatively--they could remake both commerce and government to serve the common
  good rather than the selfish interests of the barons of industry and finance.

  While the big media of that day portrayed the movement as an incoherent bunch of
  conspiracy-minded bumpkins, the populists were in fact guided by a sophisticated network
  of big thinkers, organizers, and communicators who had a thorough grasp of exactly how
  the system worked and why. Most significantly, they were problem solvers--their aim was
  not protest, but to provide real mechanisms that could decentralize and democratize power
  in our country. The movement was able to rally a huge following of hard-scrabble farmers
  and put-upon workers because it did not pussyfoot around. Its leaders dared to go right at
  the core problem of an overreaching corporate state controlled by robber barons. Populist
  organizers spoke bluntly about the need to restructure the corporate system that was
  undermining America's democratic promise.

  "Wall Street owns the country," declared Mary Ellen Lease at an 1890 populist convention
  in Topeka, Kansas. A powerhouse orator who took to the stump and wowed crowds at a
  time women were not even allowed to vote, Lease laid out a message her audiences knew
  to be true, for they were living what she was so colorfully describing. "It's no longer a
  government of the people, by the people, and for the people, but a government of Wall
  Street, by Wall Street, and for Wall Street," she roared. "Our laws are the output of a
  system which clothes rascals in robes and honesty in rags....The people are at bay, let the
  bloodhounds of money who have dogged us beware."

  These populist voices tapped directly into people's anger. But, still, how could common
  farmers and laborers--largely impoverished and powerless folks--possibly take on Wall
  Street, the railroad cartels, corporate trusts, and lobbyists, as well as the politicians that
  these powers owned? Well, even the smallest dog can lift its leg on the tallest building,
  and--after all sorts of starts-and-stops--populists found five ways to organize the
  movement and make their mark.

  ECONOMIC. In 1877, before populism even had a name, it had a mission, which was to
  do something--anything--about the spreading economic plight of farmers all over the
  country. They faced not only the usual disasters of weather and bugs, but also the
  unnatural disasters of rampant gouging by bankers, crop-lien merchants, commodity
  combines, railroad monopolies, and others. Government was worse than unresponsive; it
  sided with the gougers.

  An economic alternative was needed, and it came out of Texas. Known as the Farmers
  Alliance, it created a network of cooperative enterprises that could both buy supplies for
  farmers in bulk and pool their crops to sell in bulk, bypassing the monopolists, getting
  better prices, and giving farmers a modicum of control over their destinies. It was an idea
  that worked.

  The first Texas Alliance quickly spawned 2,000 sub-alliances around the state with a total
  of 100,000 members. Alliances were soon being formed throughout the South, in all of the
  Plains states, in the upper Midwest, and all across the West to California, bringing more
  than a million farmers into a common economy. This was a vast, multi-sectional structure
  of radical economic reform, creating a new possibility that its leaders called a "cooperative
  commonwealth."

  CULTURAL. The Alliance gave the movement a solid structure, as well as essential
  credibility, through its delivery of tangible benefits to members. But it also created
  something much larger and more important: the means for ordinary people to learn what a
  democratic culture really is and to implement a vision of an alternative way to live.

  These were working-class families of very modest means. They had little formal education,
  lived in isolated communities, and were treated as nobodies by the influentials who ran
  things. But--whoa!--now these outcasts were running something, and they mattered, both
  individually and as a group.

  It was transformative for them. Lawrence Goodwyn, author of Democratic Promise, the
  definitive book on the populist phenomenon, sees this cultural awakening as the key
  triumph of the Alliance: "[The cooperative experience] imparted a sense of self worth to
  individual people and provided them with the instruments of self-education about the world
  they lived in. The movement gave them hope--a shared hope--that they were not
  impersonal victims of a gigantic industrial engine ruled by others but that they were,
  instead, people who could perform specific political acts of self-determination."

  It was not all about business, either. Parades of farm wagons and colorful floats, day-long
  picnics, brass bands, song fests (Mary Ellen Lease was a renowned singer, as well as an
  orator), dances, poetry, and other social/cultural events enlivened and deepened the
  Alliance community, creating what Goodwyn calls a "mass folk movement." In addition,
  the Alliance ran a massive grassroots education program throughout rural America,
  providing everything from literature networks to adult-ed classes.

  MEDIA. To stay connected and provide a steady flow of energy, the movement relied on
  a concerted program of education and communication--not only to enlighten and invigorate
  its widely dispersed members, but also to bring in new recruits. This required the Alliance
  to create its own media, for the establishment outlets offered only scorn and ridicule for the
  populist cause.

  Books, over a thousand populist magazines, newspapers, and hundreds of popular songs
  and poems flowed from the movement. The communication lynchpin, however, was the
  Alliance Lecture Bureau, a stable of trained, articulate speakers--40,000 strong!--who
  regularly traversed the country from New York to California, bringing information, insight,
  and inspiration to all corners of Populist Nation. Goodwyn notes that this amazing system
  of reliable messengers was "the most massive organizing drive by any citizen institution of
  nineteenth century America."

  COALITIONS. Though it created serious tensions in various Alliance chapters, the
  movement kept trying to broaden its base by joining hands with other groups that were
  also confronting corporate power. Early on, its leaders reached out to the emerging labor
  movement. While there were Alliance leaders who thought of farmers as Jeffersonian,
  small-scale capitalists, many others (and many more rank-and-file members) viewed
  farmers essentially as working stiffs battling the same robber barons that labor was
  confronting. In 1885, the Knights of Labor were on strike against two companies in Texas,
  and several county alliances in that state voted to boycott the companies. This stand was a
  defining moment for the Alliance, for it heralded the co-op movement's shift into a more
  radical political phase.

  By 1892, the Alliance's political arm, the Populist Party, fully embraced the relationship
  with industrial workers. Ignatius Donnelly of Minnesota electrified the national delegates to
  the party convention that year with a speech pointing directly to a shared cause with the
  union movement: "The urban workmen are denied the right of organization for
  self-protection; imported pauperized labor beats down their wages; a hireling standing
  army, unrecognized by our laws, is established to shoot them down....The fruits of the toil
  of millions are boldly stolen to build up colossal fortunes....From the same prolific womb of
  governmental injustice we breed two great classes-paupers and millionaires."

  An even tougher match-up for the leadership was with black farmers, who had organized
  their own Colored Farmers National Alliance with about a million members. Aside from
  the obvious barrier that entrenched racism presented to this possible coalition, there was
  another degree of separation: white Alliance members tended to be farm owners (albeit
  heavily-mortgaged owners), and black Alliance members were mostly field hands, renters,
  or sharecroppers. Yet, there was such a strong feeling of a shared fight that real and
  successful efforts were made to join together.

  In A People's History of the United States, author Howard Zinn writes, "When the
  Texas People's Party was founded in Dallas in the summer of 1891, it was interracial and
  radical." A white leader at that meeting demanded that each district in the state include a
  black delegate, pointing out that, "They are in the ditch just like we are." Two black
  Alliance members were then elected to the party's executive committee. Alliances in
  Arkansas, Georgia, and North Carolina also made notable advances in interracial actions,
  and eminent historian C. Vann Woodward has said flatly that, "Never before or since have
  the two races in the South come so close together as they did during the Populist
  struggles."

  The Alliance also included what was, at the time, a remarkable number of women activists.
  They made up roughly one-quarter of the membership and held many key posts.

  POLITICS. By the mid-1880s, the Alliance reached a point where it had to abandon its
  original stance of non-partisanship and start flexing its political muscle. The big commodity
  brokers and railroad barons were brutalizing the co-ops with predatory pricing and other
  monopoly tactics, and bankers were squeezing the Alliance's marketing co-ops by refusing
  to provide loans. The major political parties, which were in harness to these moneyed
  interests, offered no relief from the corporate assault, while also refusing to advance any of
  the Alliance's broader reform agenda.

  For about six years, Alliance members held countless local meetings, debates, and
  consultations on how to proceed politically. Finally, Alliance delegates met in Omaha on
  July 4, 1892, for the founding convention of the People's Party of America, proudly
  branding themselves "The Populists."

  Now, they could run their own people for offices up and down the ballot, campaigning on
  a broad platform to counter the "corporations, national banks, rings, trusts...and the
  oppression of usurers" in order to advance the common interests of the "plain people." The
  Knights of Labor were a part of this founding, and the preamble to the party's 1892
  platform declared that "The interests of rural and civil labor are the same; their enemies are
  identical."

  Yes, the Populists called for the "free and unlimited coinage of silver" to provide both debt
  relief and economic stimulus for small enterprise, but the snickering cynics who try to
  marginalize populism by defining it in terms of this narrow (though important) issue ignore
  the party's broader and amazingly progressive agenda, including these provisions:

       The first party to call for women's suffrage.
       An eight-hour day for labor, plus wage protections.
       The abolition of the standing army of mercenaries, known as the "Pinkerton system,"
       which violently suppressed union organizers.
       The direct election by the people of U.S. senators (who were chosen by state
       legislatures at the time).
       A graduated income tax.
       Legislation by popular initiative and referendum.
       Public ownership of railroads, telephones, and telegraphs.
       No subsidy of private corporations for any purpose.
       Prohibition of speculation on and foreign ownership of our public lands and natural
       resources.
       A free ballot and fair count in all elections.
       Civil-service laws to prevent the politicalization of government employees.
       Pensions for veterans.
       Measures to break the corrupting power of corporate lobbyists.

  What happened?

  Ultimately, the Populists were undone, not by their boldness, but by leaders who urged
  them to compromise and to merge their aspirations into the Democratic Party. In the
  presidential election of 1896, they nominated the Democratic candidate William Jennings
  Bryan, whose "cross of gold" campaign focused on the monetary issue, avoiding the much
  more appealing structural radicalism of Populism. Outspent five to one, Bryan lost a close
  race to William McKinley, the Republican who was financed and owned by Wall Street.

  The People's Party, having surrendered its independence and soul at a time the Alliance
  was being gutted by the money interests and the press, lost favor with its own faithful--and
  withered into a parody of itself.

  Nonetheless, the Populists had successfully energized, organized, educated, and mobilized
  one of America's few genuine mass movements, striking fear in the flinty hearts of such
  barons as J.P. Morgan, who railed against that "awful democracy."

  The party was killed off, but not the Populist spirit. Persevering in separate political forms,
  the constituent components of populism--including unionists, suffragists, anti-trusters,
  socialists, cooperativists, and rural organizers--continued the struggle against America's
  economic and political aristocracy. Indeed, populists defined the content of national
  politics for the first third of the 20th century, forcing the Democratic Party to adopt
  populist positions, spawning the Progressive Party, elevating two Roosevelts to the
  presidency, and enacting major chunks of the agenda first drawn up by the People's Party.

  Though the Powers That Be don't want us connecting with this stunning "Populist Moment"
  in our democratic history, a majority of folks today hold within them the live spark of
  populism--which is an innate distrust of corporate tycoons and Wall Street titans and an
  instinct to rebel against them. The moment can come again. As Goodwyn tells us, "the
  triumph of Populism...was the belief in possibility it injected into American political
  consciousness."

  Jim Hightower is a national radio commentator, writer, public speaker, and author
  of the new book, "Swim Against the Current: Even a Dead Fish Can Go With the
  Flow." (Wiley, March 2008) He publishes the monthly "Hightower Lowdown,"
  co-edited by Phillip Frazer.

  © 2009 Hightower Lowdown All rights reserved.
  View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/139893/

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