Bill Buckley’s Strange History Revealed

By Michael Collins Piper

William F. Buckley Jr. is dead. The demise of the ex-CIA
man-turned-pundit sparked a shameless wave of over-the top media
encomiums for the longtime publisher of National Review, a so-called
“conservative” journal many suspected had been (from the beginning) no
more than a stylish—if boring—CIA “front.”

The nature of the lavish media praise for Buckley was best reflected by
the liberal New York Times which went so far as to claim—in all
seriousness—that “people of many political stripes came to see his life
as something of an art form” because—among other things—Buckley rode
motorcycles.

However, despite the hagiography of Buckley in the press, the full story
of his intrigue has yet to be told. Although accounts of his record were
much on target—in one respect—what was not said about Buckley is more
revealing.

The fact is—as The New York Times asserted—Buckley did weave “the
tapestry of what became the new American conservatism” during the 1950s.
Using National Review as his forum, Buckley did, as the Times said, help
“define the conservative movement.”

Claiming Buckley’s “greatest achievement was making conservatism . . .
respectable in liberal post-World War II America,” the Times cited a
Buckley crony as declaring that, without Buckley, “there probably would
be no respectable conservative movement in this country.”

What all of this means is that in the early 1950s, Buckley and a clique
of associates appointed themselves the new conservative
leaders—pompously calling themselves “responsible conservatives”—and
loudly announced (with enthusiastic media support) that all who dared to
advocate old fashioned America First nationalism or to oppose U.S.
meddling in endless wars abroad were no longer even to be considered
“conservative” at all.

The “Buckleyites” pronounced themselves boldly internationalist, intent
on “winning” the ColdWar, even at the expense of a hot war. They had no
desire to bring American troops home to protect America. Instead, they
were venturing out on a global imperium, and old-style conservative
concerns about big government. That socialism (big government) must be
the inevitable consequence of military adventurism was pushed aside.

Buckley acknowledged on Jan. 25, 1952 when he wrote in Commonweal, a
liberal journal, that he was willing to support what he called “Big
Government” for “the duration [of the Cold War]” because—he said—only “a
totalitarian bureaucracy within our shores” could ensure total victory
over the communist menace.

The new conservatism was not new at all. In fact, Buckley’s
“contribution” to conservatism was introduction of a host of longtime
Trotskyite (Marxist) communists as voices for “modern conservative
thought.”

Foremost among them, James Burnham, only 20 years earlier, had been
Jewish Bolshevik Leon Trotsky’s “chief spokesman” in American
“intellectual” circles. Then, during World War II, Burnham worked for
the Zionist- and Trotskyite-infested Office of Strategic Services,
forerunner of the CIA, which later recruited Buckley while he was at
Yale.

After the war, when Soviet strongman (and Trotsky foe) Josef Stalin
began moving against the Zionists and the Trotskyites (who were, in most
respects, one and the same) Burnham became a so-called “anticommunist
liberal.”

The term “anti-communist liberal”—in the Cold War—was effectively a
euphemism for describing Trotskyites in America. But, led by Burnham and
Buckley, the Trotskyites began transmogrifying, through the venue of
National Review, into what ultimately are the now-infamous
“neo-conservatives” of today.

While traditional American anti-communists wanted to contain Stalinist
Russia, the Trotskyites wanted all-out war, so much so that one of
Burnham’s leading critics was American historian Dr. Harry Elmer Barnes,
who described Burnham’s shrill calls for war as being “most dangerous
and un-American.”
 

In fact, Burnham—this Trotskyite—was the chief theoretician for
National Review for more than 20 years.

Another Buckley collaborator wasMarvin Liebman—yet another
“ex-communist”—who had smuggled arms for the Irgun terrorist gang that
killed Christians, Muslims and even Jews in the drive to establish a Zionist
state in Palestine. While Buckley ran the “idea” end of the carefully
orchestrated seizure of the conservative movement, Leibman ran the business
end, assembling massive lists of conservative Americans, most of whom had no
idea their movement was being manipulated by forces that were hardly
“conservative” at all.

That Buckley should traffic with a figure in the Zionist
underground may have involved ulterior motives: Buckley’s father—a rich oil
man—was later revealed to have lucrative petroleum interests in Israel,
among other places.

In addition, the late conservative Chicago Tribune columnist
Walter Trojan, a highly respected name in journalism, told intimates that
although Buckley was widely touted as a devout “Irish Catholic,” Buckley’s
mother was from a German-Jewish family in New Orleans named Steiner that
converted to Roman Catholicism, something common for many New Orleans Jewish
families in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Whatever his heritage, young Buckley—enthusiastically encouraged
by friendly promoters in the major media—authoritatively began to declare
what was permissible for American conservatives to discuss: Anyone who
raised questions about such issues as Zionism or the role of big
international money in dictating the course of world affairs was a
“conspiracy theorist” who was “beyond the pale” and delving into “fever
swamps” from which Buckley vowed it was his singular mission to exterminate
such pestilence, in particular that of “anti-Semitism.”

Considering all of this, Buckley watchers were not surprised
that “WFB” was invited to join the Council on Foreign Relations, the New
York affiliate of the London-based Royal Institute of International Affairs,
the foreign policy making arm of the Rothschild banking empire. Many
conservatives tried to explain Buckley’s CFR membership by saying Buckley
would be a good counterpoint to the predominantly “liberal” point of view
perceived to reign at CFR headquarters.

But when Buckley popped up in Cesme, Turkey in 1975 at the
conclave of the even more powerful international Bilderberg group,
established under the auspices of the Rothschild empire and its junior
partners, the Rockefeller family, more people began to get the big picture.

And, when Buckley advocated legalizing marijuana and giving away
the American canal in Panama, a lot of conservatives were apoplectic.

However, there were traditional conservatives who were able to
withstand the Trotskyite-Zionist onslaught of the Buckley organism poisoning
the conservative movement.

That’s why a particular Buckley target was the expanding
populist movement surrounding Liberty Lobby, founded by Willis Carto in
1955. Buckley was incensed that Liberty Lobby was growing exponentially with
grass-roots support, whereas his publication received a substantial base of
its subscriptions from purchases made by U.S. government propaganda agencies
such as the Voice of America and U.S. propaganda libraries around the world.

When Buckley published a 1971 smear of Carto, sworn testimony
later revealed that a primary source for the smear was syndicated columnist
Jack Anderson.

Along with his mentor, Columnist, the late Drew Pearson, Anderson had
bragged that much of the garbage they peddled came from the Anti-Defamation
League (ADL) of B’nai B’rith, a known conduit for Israel’s spy agency, the
Mossad.

Pearson’s own ex-mother-in-law, newspaper publisher Cissy
Patterson, once called Pearson “both undercover agent and mouthpiece for the
ADL.”

After Liberty Lobby launched an extended investigation of
Buckley and his affairs, some details (but not all of them) were published
in The Spotlight, Buckley then filed a libel suit against Liberty Lobby in
1980.

And—not coincidentally—this came not long after Buckley’s
longtime friend and former colleague in the CIA station in Mexico City, E.
Howard Hunt, one of the former Watergate burglars, had filed his own lawsuit
against Liberty Lobby.

Not only was the CIA providing Hunt with money and attorneys,
but Buckley was helping fund Hunt’s lawsuit, even as Buckley was waging his
own legal assault on the populist institution.

In the end, in 1985—under the skillful defense of attorney Mark
Lane—Hunt’s lawsuit was dealt a devastating defeat, as later described in
Lane’s best-selling book, Plausible Denial as well as this writer’s Final
Judgment.

The jury concluded—just as The Spotlight had said—that there had
been CIA involvement in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy and
that Hunt had somehow been involved. Although Hunt denied under oath that he
had any knowledge of any conspiracy to kill Kennedy, he later admitted, in a
deathbed confession publicized by his own sons, that he did have
foreknowledge of the impending assassination. (Lyndon did it.)

And, for the record, it should be noted that there were
published allegations that Buckley himself may have had some role in the JFK
conspiracy.

In any event, not long after Hunt’s lawsuit was scuttled,
Buckley’s case against Liberty Lobby came to trial. Although Buckley sued
for millions of dollars, the jury awarded Buckley only a dollar (plus $1,000
in punitive damages). When the verdict was announced, a Buckley supporter in
the courtroom burst into tears.

Buckley and his cronies may have had the last laugh, however. A
CIA intriguer with ties to operations of Israel’s Mossad later orchestrated
another legal case against Liberty Lobby that led to its destruction in 2001
at the hands of a federal judge (himself tied to Mossad intrigue).

One of the individuals helping fund that lawsuit was longtime
Buckley associate, ex-priest and best-selling author Malachi Martin,
who—when not penning articles for Buckley—was writing for the American
Jewish Committee’s Commentary magazine.

Prior to that Martin had acted as a destructive Zionist agent
inside the Second Vatican Council during the early 1960s, a role exposed by
such diverse writers as the late Revilo P. Oliver, Michael A. Hoffman II,
and Lawrence Patterson of Criminal Politics magazine. [See Michael Collins
Piper’s The Judas Goats for the entire story.—Ed.]

Buckley is gone, but his ugly legacy remains.

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